Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn Black. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng
Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn Black. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng

Thứ Năm, 9 tháng 5, 2013

Census’ claim that black turnout surpassed white in 2012 may be flimsy

On Wednesday, the Census Bureau released its biannual study of voting patterns in federal elections, which included a remarkable finding: African-American voter turnout surpassed that of white, non-Hispanic voters in 2012 for the first time in recent memory, perhaps ever.

USA Today ran this news on the front page, and the report received write-ups in every other major national newspaper. There's only one problem: That landmark may have been passed four years ago. Or maybe not at all.

The uncertainty stems from the fact that the data the census used to create this report has what several experts consider a major hole in it: Data on whether people voted is collected every other November in a supplement to the Current Population Survey, a regular government survey of about 60,000 households. If respondents decline to say whether or not they voted, or if the interviewer does not ask, it is assumed that they did not vote.

According to detailed tables released yesterday, 61.8 percent of those surveyed said they voted, 25.4 percent said they did not, and 12.8 percent did not respond. The census figures combine the second two categories.

As a result, the data appears, at first glance, to generally agree with other methods of measuring voter turnout. The Federal Election Commission reports that 129,067,662 people voted for president in the last election, while the census estimates that 132.9 million people voted—the sort of modest 3 percent difference that one might expect from a survey. (There are, of course, reasons to suspect that the FEC figure is also not perfectly accurate.)

It is only by assuming that all people who did not answer the survey did not vote, however, that the census is able to produce estimates in line with ballot totals. Were it to omit nonresponses, as most surveys do, it would end up with figures that were drastically higher than what the FEC reports.

"They are literally cheating to make it look more accurate," says Jon Krosnick, a polling expert at Stanford who has worked with the Census Bureau. "They have been doing it for a long time."

It's not surprising that the census would otherwise find its data indicated inflated voter participation rates. Surveys of voting behavior, in which people are directly asked whether or not they went to the polls, consistently report significantly higher turnout rates than the actual number of ballots cast would suggest.

There are competing explanations for why this occurs. A study that Krosnick and others conducted for American National Election Studies, an academic survey of civic involvement, suggests that there is a bias in who choses to participate in these studies. As the researchers put it: "[P]eople who vote in elections (and thereby choose to express their political preferences) also appear to be unusually likely to participate in political surveys (and thereby choose to express their political preferences)."

Another, more insidious explanation is that people who are directly asked if they voted are tempted to lie and say they did. Academics know this as the "social desirability bias"—even when responding anonymously, people who did not vote may be tempted to say they did since voting is generally considered a good thing.

"This is a very common problem that post-election surveys have a large amount of over-report bias," says Michael McDonald, a professor at George Mason University who closely tracks studies voting data.

While McDonald is not as bluntly critical of the CPS survey as Krosnick is, he too is skeptical of how it conflates those who said they did not vote with those who didn't respond. When he recalculated the recent census figures for white and black turnout while simply omitting those who did not respond, he found that black voters surpassed white voters in turnout four years ago, by a rate of 78.9 to 75.5. As McDonald wrote yesterday in the Huffington Post:

These adjusted numbers may help resolve another incongruity in the CPS survey data. The Census Bureau reports that the overall number of voters increased from 131.1 million in 2008 to 132.9 million. This can't possibly be correct since my tabulations from official election results show the overall turnout declined from 132.7 million to 130.7 million.

McDonald's corrected figures may produce results more proportional to actual voting records, but the raw numbers are absurdly high.

The Census Bureau is well aware of these mitigating factors. At the end of yesterday's report, the author, Thom File, acknowledges that, "In previous years, the disparity in the estimates in presidential elections has varied between 3 percent and 12 percent of the total number of votes shown as cast in the official tallies." The report also notes that "the respondent's willingness and ability to provide correct and accurate answers" is a potential source of error.

"Our strategy is to be as transparent as we can," File said in an interview today. In the bureau's defense, several of the spreadsheets of data that accompanied yesterday's report included raw data on the number of people who did not complete the survey, allowing for the sort of analysis that McDonald conducts. File defended the observations in his report in spite of these issues.

Information on who turns out to vote in an election is critically important to both parties as they project current party identification forward to predict future elections. The past election very well may have been the first one in which African-American voters turned out in higher proportions than white voters, but yesterday's figures are largely incapable of answering that question.


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A State-By-State Look at the Record Black Turnout in 2012

The Census Bureau yesterday verified what initial Associated Press data suggested: turnout among black voters for the first time topped that among whites in 2012. That shift may have affected the results in some states — and could affect perceptions of the Voting Rights Act that the Supreme Court is currently reviewing.

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According to the Bureau's review of the November election, 66.2 percent of registered black voters went to the polls, compared to 64.1 percent of white voters — and only 61.8 percent of voters overall. The election marks the first time that turnout in the African-American community has been higher than in other ethnic groups.

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Black turnout was highest in Wisconsin, Mississippi, and North Carolina. The lowest percentages — of eligible black voters, not of voters overall — were in Arizona, Washington, and Arkansas. (Many states have African-American populations too small for the Census Bureau to track; those states are in white in the interactive map below. Otherwise, the darker the color of the state in the map, the higher the turnout.)

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Looking at a map of the results in 2012, it's hard to see a strong correlation between that turnout and electoral results. Here's how each state voted, using the traditional red/Republican, blue/Democrat format.

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The effect comes into sharper relief when you look at the margin of black turnout — in other words, how much black voters turned out compared to voters on the whole. That gives us this map, wherein darker shaded states indicate higher turnout compared to the voting population, and lighter shades indicate lower margins.

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Swing states — Ohio, North Carolina, Indiana, Wisconsin — had black turnout that was higher than the rest of the population, perhaps in part due to turnout efforts in those states.

With the Supreme Court currently reviewing the 1965 Voting Rights Act, mandating, among other things, that certain states subject new voting plans to the Department of Justice before implementation, it's worth seeing how turnout did in those states. Below are the states that have some form of mandated review, or preclearance.

As may be clear from the maps above, those states didn't see lower-than-average black turnout. In fact, averaging both turnout and deviance from the norm in those Voting Rights Act (VRA) states, we see that they outperformed non-VRA ones.

This data carries a heavy caveat, of course. The 2012 election featured the nation's first African-American president facing off against a not-terribly-popular white Republican. And Voting Rights Act states are commonly ones in which there's a higher percentage of African-Americans; racism against that community is why Congress stepped in to create the VRA in the first place.

The true test will likely come in 2016, when Obama is not on the ticket. It's very likely that black turnout is no longer the highest during that election. And there's a small chance that Latino turnout will be.


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Chủ Nhật, 28 tháng 4, 2013

As the Pigford I Settlement comes to a close: The Network of Black Farm Groups and Advocates stresses its positive impact on society

ATLANTA, April 26, 2013 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The Pigford consent decree on April 14, 1999 marked a productive first step toward compensating thousands of black farmers who faced decades of discrimination from the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) over a 16-year period. Fourteen years later, as the commitments in the settlement are complete, the Network of Black Farm Groups and Advocates claim the lawsuit succeeded.

"The Pigford settlement righted some of the racial injustice and wrong-doings from the USDA that have been definitively documented throughout history. It is not an easy task, and there will certainly be bumps in the road," said Ralph Paige, Executive Director of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives/Land Assistance Fund.  "But no compensation from this lawsuit can account for the loss of thousands of acres of Black-owned farmland valued at billions of dollars. At the same time, we can't overlook the encouraging progress made to remedy injustices faced by thousands of Black farmers who told bitter truths of unfair treatments in the past. When we overcome racial injustices like this, society benefits as a whole."  

The Pigford settlement spurred the USDA to place new emphasis on moving beyond its many past mistakes and welcoming Black and other minority farmers as its clients and partners. Clearly, the USDA is on the right track to righting these wrongs.

For more information on the history of injustice, view this recent piece on The Nation.

NETWORK OF BLACK FARM GROUPS AND ADVOCATES

Arkansas Land and Farm Development Corporation
Black Farmers and Agriculturalists Association
Federation of Southern Cooperatives/ Land Assistance Fund
Land Loss Prevention Project
Mississippi Family Farmers Association
Oklahoma Black Historical Research Project
Rural Advancement Fund
United Farmers, USA

Contact:
Heather Gray
404 765 0991
heathergray@federation.coop

SOURCE Network of Black Farm Groups and Advocates


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